Divers should try to drill holes in the hull of an enemy ship with augers and then stones should be thrown to increase the leaks and speed up its sinking. Pistono, S.J., ‘Henry IV and John Hawley, Privateer, 1399–1408’, Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature and Art Report and Transactions, 3, 1979. The French relied more or less exclusively on forces provided by Genoa and Castile. This becomes clear in the reign of king John whose loss of Normandy in 1205–6 had ensured the geographical separation of his territories in England and France and placed the southern coast of the Channel in the hostile hands of Philip Augustus, king of France. ), Great Battles of the Royal Navy as Commemorated in the Gunroom at Britannia Royal Naval College Dartmouth, London, Arms and Armour Press, 1994, pp. The relative weakness of the Mamluks in naval matters may more probably be interpreted as a lack of interest, since victory was theirs without the need to build and maintain a fleet. ), Gesta Henrici Quinti, or the Deeds of Henry V, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1975. Exeter had many warships including the Grace Dieu, built by John Tavener of Hull and formerly Warwick’s own flagship. Edward I, as king of England and duke of Aquitaine, in turn opposed and was in alliance with Philip IV of France. This went on during daylight hours and ended with three carracks taken by the English, one driven aground and wrecked and the remainder put to flight. Some 35 vessels were sunk by the Moors including 28 galleys. By 1294 the Genoese had established themselves with admirable drive and energy as the dominant force as western traders in Romania. Richmond points out that to meet the threat of the Burgundian attack on Calais in 1436 the English crown issued sea-keeping or privateering licenses principally to London shipowners. 77 M E D I E VA L N AVA L WA R FA R E , 1 0 0 0 – 1 5 0 0 Image rights not available Plate 2 An early fifteenth-century carving of a two masted vessel orginally from a church icon King’s Lynn. Even though almost all Crusader reinforcements came by sea, no Muslim leaders in the period 1100–1160 made any concerted attempt to attack the cities of the coast as they fell one by one into Crusader hands.19 The loss of Askelon itself to the forces of Baldwin III in 1153 served only to increase the operational problems of any Fatimid commander. An arsenal had first been established outside the town walls at Villanova del Grau in 1284 but no permanent squadron of royal ships was based there. OXFORD C S, MEDIEVAL WARFARE GARLAND MEDIEVAL BIBLIOGRAPHIES VOLUME 21 GARLAND REFERENCE LIBRARY OF THE HUMANITIES VOLUME 2224 58 P.R.O. Khalifeh states that the Turks were using burning pitch to attack the Venetians but were unable to control the weapon. The most dangerous period from the Christian point of view was the summer of 1340 following the Moorish victory over the Castilian galleys in April of that year. Medieval Naval Warfare, 1000–1500 provides a wealth of information about the strategy … 140 BIBLIOGRAPHY Alban, J.R., ‘English coastal defence: some fourteenth century modifications within the system’, in R.A. Griffiths, Patronage the Crown and the Provinces, Gloucester, Alan Sutton, 1981. 23 H.L. ‘The Fatimid navy during the early Crusades 1099–1124’, American Neptune, XLVI, 1986, p. 77. This is perhaps emphasised by the fact that in 1418 when the slipways of Southampton Water must have been largely occupied by the king’s ships Soper sent his confidential servant, David Savage to Deptford to supervise repairs to the Thomas.On the death of Henry V, according to the terms of his will, most of the royal ships and their equipment were to be sold to the highest bidder. Blasts of lime were often fired to blind the enemy and were then followed by volleys of stones. The leading official was known as the Clerk of the king’s Ships. (At the date of writing this would have been the most usual ship type in northern waters.) The naval aspects of this have aroused some interest especially because he is seen as having organised a blockade of the port of La Rochelle. Rigging should be cut with billhooks and broad arrows fired to make holes in the sails; a weaker ship should be grappled with. The coastal waters of Syria and Palestine became a centre of naval activity, both commercial and warlike in nature. Far from appearing as aggressive the predominant tone of these registers and the entries for 1351– 2 is one of caution. 11 Modern Dubrovnik. The town (only forfeited to the Crown earlier in the same year) soon included not only a palace for the king but also a storehouse for military and naval supplies and some facilities for ships.26 Much more is known about the considerable development of these facilities under John. cit., p. 247 and G. Hutchinson, Medieval Ships and Shipping, London, Leicester University Press, 1994, pp. Between 1405 and 1457 there were no raids on the English coasts: and in fact after the French raid on Sandwich of that year no further raids for the remainder of the century. xxxvii–xxxix and 143–160. Champollion-Figéac, A., Lettres des Rois, Reines et autres personages des Cours de France et de l’Angleterre, 1162–1515, vol. The engagement between an English squadron carrying the newly appointed Lieutenant of Aquitaine, the Earl of Pembroke and 12 Castilian galleys in the vicinity of La Rochelle in 1372 involved the same protagonists but with a different result. This sets out an elaborate plan, ‘to have upon the see continuelly for the sesons of the yere fro Candilmas to Martymesse, viii ships with forstages; ye whiche shippes, as it is thought, 89 M E D I E VA L N AVA L WA R FA R E , 1 0 0 0 – 1 5 0 0 most have on with other, eche of hem cl men’. A., Archéologie navale, Paris, Arthur Berthaud, 1840. The Helford river suits the description in the Chronicle much better. Robson, ‘The Catalan fleet and Moorish sea-power’, p. 403. In January 1440, she had rammed and sunk another vessel off Dartmouth and had only attempted to pick up survivors when their cries that they were English were heard by the crew.32 The possibility of a more formal kind of naval defence seemed beyond the power of any ruler in this region at this period. He links this with the ability of the almugavars to fight at night but at sea this skill would not have been a deciding factor.66 Much more to the point would have been the ability of Lauria’s ship masters to navigate along a rocky coast in the dark or half-light so that the galleys were not in greater danger from running aground or striking rocks than from the enemy. The commanders were operating under a system of indentures very similar to that used for the retinues of captains in land operations. Pryor points out that there is no consensus at all among the various chronicles concerning the details of this battle.65 Muntaner states that Lauria’s forces were beached for the night but came out when the mast top lanterns of the French were seen out at sea at day break. ‘A short English chronicle’, Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, p. 71. 42 C.F. F.C. The other was made up of 12 galleys hired from Genoa under the command of Renier Grimaldi who also had overall command. Spanish merchants from Bilbao traded in iron ore, as well as oil and more exotic produce, as did Portuguese traders. Hamblin, W., ‘The Fatimid navy during the early Crusades 1099–1124’, American Neptune, 46, 1986. A summer gale then dispersed the Yorkist ships at sea and Warwick sailed across unopposed landing on 9 September near Exeter.44 By the end of the month Edward IV was himself a fugitive restlessly watching the North Sea from his refuge at Bruges with Louis de Gruthuyse, the Burgundian governor of Holland.45 If he in his turn was to regain his throne his need also was for ships. L.A. Burgess (ed.) These official commissions did not alter the Spanish view of him. 3 R. Mantran, ‘Istanbul’ in E. Concina (ed. Raids on commerce and coastal towns Rodger, in fact, sees the raiding tactics of the French and their allies as having a great measure of success.38 Trade was interrupted, merchants lost ships and the stocks in their warehouses and the people of coastal towns were left fearful and resentful of the apparent inability of the Crown to offer adequate protection from these brief but very violent incursions. A German hulk was also sunk. The intermittent, opportunistic taking of vulnerable vessels and their cargoes by both sides flared into a more serious conflict when a Venetian fleet of armed galleys sent east under the command of Marco Ruzzini to deal with a quarrel over trading rights at Tana caught about 14 Genoese galleys in the harbour of Castro near Negroponte and took ten. It would provide, in effect, a kind of bridge over which the attackers could pour undoubtedly hoping that the defenders had been already largely disabled and certainly thrown into disarray by the showers of crossbow bolts, arrows and other missiles. De Burgh clearly fully understood the gravity of the situation and, despite the reluctance of his companions to join him in a seafight, went on board the best ship and set sail.24 We can presume that by this time the French were not far off shore. After forbidding any form of blasphemy aboard, Mocenigo sets out his expectations for the conduct of galleys in his charge. ), Naval Accounts and Inventories, p. 84, p. 129. The process of the Reconquista, the recovery of formerly Christian lands from the Muslim rulers of Southern Spain and the Maghreb by the rulers of Aragon and Castile undoubtedly is one important strand running through the history of this period in this area. ), Maritime Food Transport, Quellen und darstellen zur Hansichen Geschichte, XL, Cologne, Bohlau, 1994. The younger John was also an MP and a Justice of the Peace from 1422–31 and took part in royal expeditions to keep the seas in 1419 and 1420. In many ways this system was extremely successful. D.S. Despite the often vicious weather on the east coast in the winter these ships were at sea in these months, the master of the Welfare being paid for the period from November to February and specifically said to be at sea. 56 T H E C H A N N E L P OW E R S I N T H E F O U RT E E N T H C E N T U RY CHAPTER FOUR The Channel powers in the fourteenth century: the use of s e a p o w e r b y E n g l a n d , Fr a n c e a n d their allies, c.1277–c.1390 The last quarter of the thirteenth century and the opening years of the fourteenth are, perhaps, characterised by the degree of instability which existed in the relations between states. The same mix of local and foreign workers was employed though a master oarsmaker with three assistants is also mentioned.50 The total amount spent on this work is not clear nor in fact whether the vessels were ever finished. They could see the French at anchor in the Zwyn but could not attack immediately as the wind and tide were against them. Cabins for officers or elite passengers would also be situated here. The emphasis is on the normal personal weapons, swords and lances, and bows, both longbows with their arrows and crossbows of various types with their quarrels. Virtually all chronicle accounts from this period describe sea fights as beginning with the throwing or firing of missiles of some kind, whether stones, lances or arrows. The Saint-Jehan, here described as a huissier as well as a galley, is said to have been on the stocks for 26 years even if repairable, a situation which also applied to two further huissiers, one painted with the arms of the dauphin and the other with the arms of M. de Valois. The whole complex was surrounded by walls while the entrance from the Bacino di San Marco along the Rio dell Arsenale, was guarded and adorned by two towers bearing the Lion of St Mark built in 1460 in the latest Renaissance style.9 The Tana was outside the walls, as were the Forni Pubblici where the essential biscotti were baked, but the whole quarter of the Arsenalotti was almost, by the end of the fifteenth century, a city of its own. 37 The control which rulers had over this community often seemed minimal although it did perhaps increase over the period. Fortescue, Sir John, The Governance of England (ed. From his account, on one level relations between the cities were cordial. Although the Spanish ships were larger and better armed than the English (Froissart mentions particularly the large supplies of missiles ready in their fighting tops) Edward was apparently in tearing spirits as battle was joined at around four in the afternoon. Pisani, after a highly successful cruise off Genoa itself, where he took many prisoners, brought his galleys back up the Adriatic with the intention of basing them for the winter at Pola in Istria.21 This anchorage had been suggested by the Senate as well-placed for the protection of the mude on the final stages of their return voyages. A., ‘Accounts and inventories of John Starlyng, Clerk of the King’s Ships to Henry IV’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 4, 1914. round ship A vessel the hull of which generally has a high freeboard and which has a relatively low ratio between its length and its beam. Fourquin, ‘A medieval shipbuilding estimate (c.1273)’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 85, 1999, pp. Despite their shortcomings, however, various forms of galleys continued to be employed in the Mediterranean until 1717 and in the Baltic Sea until 1809. 54 N.A.M. Lane, ‘The rope factory and the hemp trade in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries,’ Venice and History: The Collected Papers of F.C. At the harbour mouth there were ‘two fine towers’, with ‘chains stretching from one to the other’. On the return voyage in August, Poole and Hastings were also burnt although Southampton, Dover and Winchelsea remained safe behind their walls. 7 The careers of Pay and John Hawley senior and junior are detailed in articles by Susan Rose in the New Dictionary of National Biography (forthcoming). Kelly DeVries, a medieval warfare expert at Loyola University, says medieval weapons seldom broke through metal armor. halyard A rope used to raise or lower a sail or a sailyard. Sherborne, J.W., ‘The Hundred Years War: The English navy: shipping and manpower, 1369–89’, Past and Present, 37, 1967. In both areas the religious conflict associated with crusading was an important factor. F. Rosenthal), Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1958, vol. 144–5. de Bofarull y Mascaró, Coleccion de documentos ineditos del archivo general de la corona de Aragon, Barcelona, 1850, vol. If we also consider that the Sicilians could not have bridled their galleys until they were within the bay and may well have been under attack by missiles thrown from Lauria’s forces while attempting this complex manoeuvre, it seems even more unlikely that this was done. The final humiliation from the English point of view was the capture of Berwick by the Scots in 1318 after they had prevented English reinforcements and supplies getting into the harbour.5 Knowledge of these operations comes largely from accounts kept in this instance by the king’s Wardrobe. In an extreme situation, however, when the Christian 116 V E N E T I A N S, G E N O E S E A N D T U R K S rulers of Iberia faced a real threat from the Moors these quarrelling powers could co-operate. On the east coast of the Americas there were no indigenous craft capable of a long sea voyage and the use of watercraft in warfare was confined to the transport of warriors from one island to the next on raiding expeditions. This somewhat melancholy task, combined with the care of the Great Ships, soon laid up to rot away on the mudflats, was, from 1423, more or less the sole function of Soper and Richard Clyvedon his successor as clerk. Willard, J.F. Warner, Sir G. Medieval Naval Warfare, 1000-1500 provides a wealth of information about the strategy and tactics of these early fleets and the extent to which the possibilities of sea power were understood and exploited. The English fleet also sailed to the Zwyn and from the tone of the chronicle it would seem that the commanders had no idea that they would find the French fleet already there. The need to be aware of the wind, the weather and the sea state runs all through his treatise: this is not a re-working of Vegetius but a commander’s reflections on the lessons learned in the course of actions at sea both with sailing ships and galleys, both in northern waters and in the Mediterranean. It does not, however, alter the basic fact that, given the experience of other invaders, albeit operating on a somewhat smaller scale, William had every right to hope to get ashore unopposed. Holdsworth and J. Nelson (eds), Studies in Medieval History presented by R. Allen Brown, Woodbridge, Boydell Press, 1992. The earliest mention of a ‘tersana’ dates from 1200 with officials from the Opera della Tersana in charge of the yard and the building of galleys. 44 C. Bréard, op. This moment would also have seemed to be propitious for an assault on the town of Askelon thus denying its anchorage to the Egyptians, but the leaders of the Franks wished instead to lay siege to Tyre and bought Venetian assistance at a high price. 26 Sir G. Warner (ed. His nearest watering point not in enemy territory was now Tinnis in the Nile delta and no large fleet could sail beyond Beirut if it was to have sufficient water for the journey home.20 Conversely it can be argued that the possession of secure coastal bases, now largely free from the fear of Fatimid raids, as well as the corruption and disunity prevailing in the government of Egypt allowed Amalric I to pursue an active policy against that nation despite the threat posed by the successes of Nur ed-din in the north. J.H. 78 T H E F IM FT E EI ENVA T HL C NTL U RY IN ERS ED NEAVA WA R FANROERT , 1 0H0E0 R – 1N5 0WAT 0 Image rights not available Plate 3 A battle at sea from the Warwick pageant, produced at the end of the fifteenth century. I, pp. Naval. 9 C.J. If we consider the engagements in which ships were involved, we can perhaps make some generalisations about the value of maritime power to the Franks. James and J. Simons, The Poems of Laurence Minot, Exeter, University of Exeter, 1989, p. 32. 31 P.R.O. What was at the root of these disturbances? This leaves aside the question as to whether there was any body of theoretical writing devoted to the use of ships in war at this period and whether this had any discernible influence on a commander’s approach to the conduct of a sea battle. The initial encounter near the harbour mouth took place on 22 June and seems to have shown no clear advantage to either side. Rodger, The Safeguard of the Sea, pp. In general charge of this work was William Soper, a Southampton merchant who would follow Catton as Clerk in 1420 but who earlier held commissions to repair or build royal ships in his home town. Unable to control medieval naval warfare weapon accept that Askelon should be kept ready to to. N.S., 1984 in charge of fighting the ship and a master charge! 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